From the policy of encouraging guest workers ended and restrictive immigration laws were introduced, first with the Aliens Employment Act, setting quotas on work permits, and then the Residence Act, which set quotas for residency permits without the right to work. A more restrictive system was put in place in and further limits imposed in Since the s Turks living and working in Austria have focused on family reunification and on seeking Austrian citizenship, for which they need to have lived in Austria for 10 years.
The Austrian government tried and failed to block the start of Turkish negotiations to join the European Union in October There has been a rise in harassment and racial violence against Turks since the events of 11 September and the Madrid and London bombings. Turkish men and women suffer discrimination in employment and housing. Turks are under-represented in higher education, especially women and second-generation youth.
Support groups from the community and government have established programmes to tackle these problems. Turkish women often are denied the right to work, if they are family members of male workers, by the residency and employment permit system.
Turkish men and women who are not Austrian citizens and who are in employment, make contributions to social welfare funds but are not allowed to benefit from them. Turkish women who have the right to work, but who wear a headscarf, are often discriminated against by employers. There has been a trend towards more integration in recent years. The Socialist and Green Parties adopted Turkish candidates for the district council elections in Vienna.
In May the European Court of Justice ruled against the province of Vorarlberg which had excluded Turks from standing for election as worker representatives to the Chamber of Labour. However, exclusion from worker representation, including company works councils, has been the norm. The Equal Treatment in Employment law and its enactment by all provincial governments by early should bring an end to this discrimination, but the law allows for exceptions.
Despite this worrying global situation, we reaffirm our commitment to safeguarding the rights of minority and indigenous communities and implementing indivisible human rights for all. Sign up to Minority rights Group International's newsletter to stay up to date with the latest news and publications. Since August, MRG has been assisting Afghan minority activists and staff from our partner organizations as their lives and their work came under threat with the return of the Taliban.
We need your help. For the last three years, we at MRG have run projects promoting freedom of religion and belief across Asia. In Afghanistan we have fostered strong partnerships with amazing local organizations representing ethnic and religious minorities. They were doing outstanding work, educating minority community members about their rights, collecting evidence of discrimination and human rights abuses, and carrying out advocacy. Not all have been able to flee.
Many had no option but to go into hiding. Some did not have a valid passport. Activists can no longer carry out the work they had embarked on. They can no longer draw a salary, which means they cannot feed their families.
With a season of failed crops and a cold winter ahead, the future is bleak for too many. We refuse to leave Afghanistan behind.
We are asking you today to stand by us as we stand by them. We will also use your donations to support our Afghan partners to pay their staff until they can regroup and make new plans, to use their networks to gather and send out information when it is safe to do so, and to seek passports and travel options for those who are most vulnerable and who have no option but to flee to safety.
Azadeh worked for a global organization offering family planning services. Standing for everything the Taliban systematically reject, Azadeh had no option but to flee to Pakistan. MRG is working with our partners in Pakistan to support many brave Afghans who have escaped Afghanistan because of their humanitarian or human rights work or their faith.
They are now in various secure locations established by our local partners on the ground in Pakistan. Although they are safer in Pakistan than Afghanistan, Hazara Shia and other religious minorities are also persecuted there. We need your help, to support those who put their lives on the line for basic human rights principles we all believe in: equality, mutual respect, and freedom of belief and expression. The situation on the ground changes daily as more people arrive and some leave.
Aluminium mining in Baphlimali, India, has caused environment devastation and has wrecked the lifestyle of thousands of Adivasis. Families may be less or more strict about this, depending on their social attitudes. Female participation and education is encouraged and more women are gaining political influence.
However, there remains a strong male dominance in society and the position of women in the rural and working-class sectors remains mainly traditional. For example, the vast majority of small business owners and service people are men e.
Many still share a common view that women need their husband's permission in order to work. Some Turkish men may also only speak to the males in a room without addressing females for their opinions. Moreover, a lower education level often inhibits women from progressing in their careers. A recent study found 1 in 3 Turkish mothers are illiterate. There is a strong social expectation that unmarried people from opposite genders should not show interest or affection towards one another alone in public.
People generally date with the hope of marriage in mind. Once a couple becomes official, their families will generally push for marriage to come soon after particularly in rural areas. People are generally free to choose their partner in urban areas. Families can be more heavily involved in rural areas. The average age for marriage is 22 for women and 25 for men. Most Turkish marriages are conducted as a civil service in addition to a religious service officiated by an Imam.
Cohabitation before marriage is also uncommon, as many believe men and women should only live together if married. I know racism is strong in this country, so I just do not care anymore. Still, having to explain myself at the beginning of a conversation tires me. This weariness is particularly pronounced in narratives about diet and perceived religiosity.
Demir, an electrical engineer who moved to Germany four years ago, says:. Hence, when I have dinner with my German colleagues they immediately ask if I am not drinking alcohol because I am Turkish. Every time I avoid it at company dinners I feel the urge to explain that it is not because of religious reasons, but because I simply do not like the taste. Some interviewees are less reactionary. Underlining how different they are from the Turkish diaspora in Germany, they think it is only understandable that some Germans would think they are not Turkish.
Merve, a chemist who came to Germany for her doctoral studies, says:. I explain how different the Turks here in Germany are, especially in terms of educational background. Also, I come from Istanbul, and people know Istanbulites are more modern. Plus, I have these conversations also with Turks born and raised here. For example, they are surprised I am fluent in English.
Some interviewees are concerned about reproducing this distinction. I explained to the nurse that Turkey is a diverse country with varying skin colors. At other times, I am not that patient, and I get angry about being judged by where I come from. Yet, I think that we—Turkish people—are much more judgmental than Germans who are quite open-minded. I do not like this at all, but I do it too. Similarly, Duygu, who is ethnically Tatar, says that no particular image comes to her mind when she thinks of a Turkish person.
Because it is that mixed, it might as well be that I look Turkish. And again, younger respondents and men are more likely to say discrimination affects their career. The diaspora community is divided on whether the government in their country of residence treats all citizens fairly, with an average weight of 5. The responses are fairly consistent across three countries; Austria is notably lower with a weight of 4.
Perhaps the best news in the survey is that respondents strongly agree that their German, French, Dutch, and Austrian neighbors and colleagues accept their presence, with an average weight of 8. This response is the closest to a note of unanimity in the entire survey and an impressive indication of a feeling of belonging or acceptance. The survey posed a range of more specific questions about integration, immigration, and relations between the diaspora communities and the host communities in their countries of residence.
The results present a nuanced picture of a diaspora that, as indicated, feels at home in Europe, despite occasional discrimination, but also values its separate identity. Respondents explicitly say they feel at home in their current country of residence, with a weight of 7. There are not large differences by age. Women tend to feel more at home than men, which lines up with the above finding that men, more than women, report higher levels of discrimination.
Respondents are divided on whether their country of residence has done a good job integrating the Turkish community, with an average agreement of 5. On the one hand, respondents strongly agree that the Turkish community should be more connected to the wider, non-Turkish community, with a weight of 7.
Interestingly, older respondents are more likely to support deeper connections with the non-Turkish community. On the other hand, respondents also strongly feel that the Turkish community should keep its separate identity, with an overall weight of 8.
Respondents are divided about further immigration to their countries of residence; overall, they feel their countries should accept fewer immigrants, with a weight of 5. France is the only country where respondents favor more immigration, albeit narrowly. Significantly, across all questions on integration, the largest demographic schism is between those with citizenship in their country of residence and those without.
It is perhaps to be expected that those lacking but desiring citizenship would be more critical of the pace of progress toward integration. The survey also queried views on education and schooling, given how important schools are for integration, assimilation, and interaction between immigrant communities and the wider population. Respondents strongly feel that they or their children receive or received a good education in schools in their current country of residence, with an overall weight of 8.
Respondents also strongly agree that the schools in their country of residence are better than those in Turkey, with an overall weight of 7. Respondents do not prefer that their children grow up and be educated in Turkey; that idea rates an average of only 4. Older respondents are significantly more likely to say they prefer or perhaps, would have preferred that their children grow up and be educated in Turkey; indeed, those above age 50—and the Austrian sample overall—are the only subsets that rate this idea positively.
Respondents are generally pleased with the opportunities for higher education in Europe; they strongly agree that ethnic Turks have a fair opportunity to attend university in their country of residence, with an overall weight of 7. Respondents are broadly satisfied with the level of access to Turkish-language and Islamic education in their countries of residence, with a weight of 6.
Few prefer that their children go to an Islamic school full time—a notion given an overall weight of 4. Older respondents are more likely to prefer an Islamic education, with roughly half of those above age 50 expressing that desire or perhaps regret, on the part of those with children beyond school age for their children. Overall, across these various questions about education, the younger, more educated, and wealthier respondents—as well as the Dutch sample across the board—are generally the most positive elements in an overall positive result regarding educational opportunities in Europe.
To gauge broad affinity for national symbols and emotional ties to Turkey among the diaspora, the survey asked a few questions about sports. Asked who they support when Turkey plays their current country of residence in a sports competition—for example, an international football soccer match—overall, 76 percent say they support Turkey, 11 percent say they support both, and 5 percent say they support their host country.
France is the only slight outlier here, with just 65 percent of respondents saying they support Turkey, 17 percent saying they support both countries, and 9 percent saying they support France. Just 2 percent of respondents in Austria say they support Austria, with 81 percent saying they support Turkey.
Nevertheless, respondents reject the proposition that an ethnic Turkish athlete from Europe should feel obligated to play for Turkish national teams which eligibility rules allow ; agreement with that notion rated only 4. To further query relative attitudes toward their current country of residence, the survey also asked who they would support in a sports competition against a third country—for example, Germany against Spain, or Austria against England.
Here, the country of residence earns the most support, with an average of 79 percent saying they would support their country of residence against a third country, 5 percent saying they would support both, and just 4 percent saying they would support the third country. A low of 75 percent in France and a high of 88 percent in the Netherlands say they would support the host country.
Members of the diaspora generally show high levels of satisfaction with life in Europe and their respective countries. The survey asked respondents to weight how strongly they agreed with different statements, with 1 signifying strong disagreement and 10 signifying strong agreement.
Respondents say they are happy living in their country of residence, with an average weight of 7. Respondents give a decidedly lower rating to the idea that they would be happier living in Turkey, albeit with a not insignificant weight of 5. Older respondents are much more likely to say they would be happier living in Turkey. Meanwhile, younger, wealthier, and more educated respondents are happier with life in Europe.
These answers are polarized, with many either strongly agreeing or strongly disagreeing. Most respondents feel their country of residence is more democratic than Turkey, with a weight of 7.
Respondents generally agree that relations between their country of residence and Turkey affect the way Turks living in that country are treated, with an average weight of 7. Germany-based respondents feel the impact of relations with Turkey most strongly, with a weight of 7. In that regard, respondents broadly agree that their country of residence should be more supportive of Turkey, with an average weight of 7.
Austrian respondents agree most strongly with this proposition, with a weight of 8. Older respondents are more likely to say their current country should be more supportive of Turkey, but all age groups feel this way. Respondents overall have a strong basis for comparing life in Europe with life in Turkey. Most report having spent an extended period of time in Turkey; 59 percent say they have spent an extended period of time in Turkey, ranging as high as 72 percent among Austrian respondents.
Asked to say how long they have spent in Turkey, many respondents report spending more than 10 years there, with some spending more than 20 years. Still, about one-third of respondents in Germany and the Netherlands report having never spent an extended period in Turkey.
These figures reflect generational divides—the first generation came to Europe as adults, and the second and subsequent generations were largely born in Europe, with some exceptions. These divides are obscured by the average time spent in Turkey, which clusters around 20 years across the survey—from The survey also asked for open-ended descriptions of the advantages of living in their current country of residence.
Broken down into broad categories, these responses reflect a widely held belief that the European countries surveyed offer greater prosperity, freedom, and stability than Turkey. Overall, 19 percent say the opportunity to work in their current profession and the earnings potential thereof is the most important advantage—the leading answer.
Issues related to freedom, democracy, and human rights are the most important advantage to 16 percent of respondents. The higher standard of living and superior living conditions are the biggest advantage to another 13 percent of respondents. The advantages of having an organized society, greater tolerance, and legal certainty are most important to 10 percent of respondents.
Access to good schools, vocational training, and the overall quality of the educational system is the biggest advantage to 9 percent of respondents. Only 20 percent of the answers fell outside these broad categories.
The four countries are broadly similar in their responses on this question, though responses in France tend to place more emphasis on freedom and less emphasis on social security and living conditions.
The effects of racism and discrimination is the next-most-cited disadvantage, named by 17 percent of respondents overall.
Many complain about a social coldness or lack of warmth in their current countries of residence, and associated loneliness—a complaint voiced by 8 percent of respondents. Finally, living amid a foreign culture is listed as a disadvantage by another 8 percent of respondents. There are significant differences among the countries surveyed on this question.
For example, just 12 percent of Turks in Germany list the loss of family ties and culture as the biggest disadvantage, perhaps reflecting more family-based migratory patterns or, perhaps relatedly, a better-defined Turkish community within Germany. But this loss of family and culture is a top concern in France, with 29 percent voicing this lament. Racism and discrimination, on the other hand, is the top complaint of just 9 percent in France, while it is the main disadvantage to 29 percent of Austrian respondents and 17 percent of German respondents.
Asked for open-ended descriptions of what values characterize society in their countries of residence, some familiar tropes emerge, but these concepts still generally reflect an overall positive view of society. Twenty-three percent cite order, discipline, and bureaucracy as the defining characteristics of their current country, but this figure ranges from 32 percent in Germany to just 12 percent in France.
Some 15 percent of respondents say sincerity, honesty, and respect are defining values, reaching 26 percent in the Netherlands. And 9 percent—including 28 percent of Turks in France—say that a social, democratic, and freedom-loving spirit is the most distinctive characteristic. The survey shows minimal political engagement in and widespread ambivalence toward European politics on the part of the diaspora. An optimistic interpretation might be that this reflects the generally high levels of satisfaction with life in Europe, obviating the urgency of political involvement.
Of course, other explanations are possible, including the possibility that political parties in Europe fail to target the diaspora in their communications and outreach. Certainly, those lacking citizenship in the host country could be excused for limited interest in its partisan politics.
In general, when Europe-based Turks do express an opinion about European politics, they lean toward social democratic parties and the Greens, with deep skepticism toward conservative parties and near-total rejection of populist, anti-immigrant parties.
This ambivalence toward government and politics among diaspora Turks is visible in high nonresponse rates to political questions, expressed low affinity for political parties, and an apparent widespread perception of distance and disrespect emanating from established political parties. Few respondents feel politically represented in their country of residence, rating their overall average sense of representation at just 4.
Those who only hold Turkish citizenship consistently reported feeling less politically represented, across all countries; overall, those who hold Turkish citizenship give a weight of 3. Austrian and French respondents rate their sense of being represented somewhat lower than those in Germany and the Netherlands, while Dutch respondents feel somewhat more represented, perhaps reflecting the presence of a major political party founded by Turkish-Dutch politicians.
The level of engagement does not vary significantly by generation. But a full 35 percent give no answer—itself probably reflecting a negative judgment on all the parties. Thirty percent give no answer. The Netherlands yields slightly different results, due to the presence of Denk, a staunchly pro-immigrant breakaway group of the Labour Party founded by two Turkish-Dutch politicians. Thirty-six percent give no answer.
Finally, France offers a fragmented picture but one that is again dominated by the political left. Thirty-three percent give no answer. According to polling partner DATA4U, LREM won 46 percent of the Turkish vote in the last elections but has lost the confidence of the majority of these voters and stands to lose significant ground in the next election. The pattern of friendliness to the left and center left generally held when respondents rated various European politicians on a 1—10 favorability scale see Figure The one exception to the pattern is Germany, where conservative CDU leader Chancellor Angela Merkel received by far the highest favorability rating 5.
Pending further study, this is presumably explained by the minority-friendly policies of left-wing political parties in Europe. The survey reveals generally positive views of the European Union.
Asked if the European Union serves their economic interests, respondents give an average weight of 6. Asked if they are basically satisfied with the European Union, respondents agree with an average weight of 6.
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